South Asia: Music, Film and Screen Media Become a Battleground
In early 2026, Freemuse published its annual report on the State of Artistic Freedom documenting attacks on artistic freedom worldwide throughout 2025. This regional update examines developments in South Asia, in the first half of 2026. Rising geopolitical tensions and growing government anxieties around national security, religious identity, obscenity, transnational politics and community relations are increasingly influencing human rights and cultural discourse in South Asia, leaving artists and cultural workers facing more scrutiny, censorship and persecution. Artistic freedom in the region continues to be under considerable strain, with multiple instances of creative persecution, chief among them being censorship in music, film and screen media. India: Arbitrary delays and restrictions in film and screen media In India, the arbitrary refusal or delay of film certification by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) is a recurring mechanism of censorship. This was particularly evident in the cases of Jana Nayagan and Satluj in 2026. Jana Nayagan, starring actor-turned-politician Thalapathy Vijay, was scheduled for release on 10 January. Although the filmmakers had accepted CBFC recommended edits and cuts, concerning religious sensitivities, violence and gore, it remained uncertified and unable to be released in cinemas. Days before its planned release, they were informed that a “competent authority” had objected to the film on grounds that it hurt religious sentiments and portrayed the armed forces in an unacceptable manner. The filmmakers challenged these vague grounds, beginning a legal battle that postponed the release to July. Further complicating the timeline was its unauthorised online leak which led to additional controversy and litigation, and contributed to the delayed release of the film. Coincidentally, the delay came in the run-up to the Tamil Nadu state elections, in which Vijay was contesting, highlighting the longstanding tensions between cinema and politics in India. While delayed certification can postpone a film’s release, prolonged or indefinite delays can make a release impossible altogether. Satluj, directed by Honey Trehan and starring Diljit Dosanjh, tells the story of human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra, who documented mass disappearances and extrajudicial killings in Punjab in the counter insurgency period of the 1980s and early 1990s. Khalra himself was abducted and killed in police custody in 1995. Previously titled Punjab ‘95, the film remained in censorship limbo for three years, with the CBFC reportedly recommending around 127 cuts. Unable to secure theatrical certification, it was released on streaming service ZEE5 Global on 3 July, only to be removed less than 48 hours later. As streaming content in India does not require CBFC certification, this case illustrates how censorship of screen media can extend beyond formal statutory mechanisms, making such restrictions more difficult to measure, document and track. Nepal: Censorship beyond the censor board Nepal has similarly seen growing debate around censorship and formal film regulation. For instance, in January, the Queer Film Festival Kathmandu invited nearly fifty filmmakers and queer cultural workers to be part of an interactive discussion around censorship of cinema in Nepal. Among matters discussed was the new Film Examination and Classification Procedure, 2082, that favours classification over cuts but encourages filmmakers to identify potential censorship concerns before submission. It can be argued that this move effectively institutionalises self-censorship. Despite growing awareness and discussion, censorship debates continue to influence cinema in Nepal, as was seen in the case of Lalibazaar. The release of Lalibazaar, a social drama about Nepal’s historically marginalised Badi community, demonstrated the limits of formal certification. Although the film had received a universal certificate, its planned 1 May release was temporarily halted following a petition challenging its portrayal of the Badi community and claiming that the film presented the community in a negative light. Peaceful protests by the filmmakers and cast, followed the news of the film’s paused release with the court lifting the restriction, allowing the film to open a week later on 8 May. Similarly, an episode of weekly comedy show Comedy Darbar featuring parliamentary figures was subjected to around eleven audio bleeps after the Press Council of Nepal, reportedly warned the broadcaster about certain content. Interestingly, the programme team confirming that the script contained no offensive language and that the muted word was “Speaker” alluding to the growing tensions surrounding artistic freedom and any form of political criticism. Together, these cases illustrate a very interesting aspect of Nepal’s growing film and screen media censorship, as being influenced by authorities besides the Film Censor Board. Pakistan: Censoring intimacy and bodies In Pakistan, censorship of screen media has also appeared through broadcasters and production houses themselves. In the popular series, Dr. Bahu, a romantic scene in which the male lead adjusts the female lead’s sari, was removed from the televised episode aired in April 2026, because the channel considered it too intimate. The show’s director Mehreen Jabbar later released the deleted footage online, prompting discussion about the regulation of romantic intimacy on Pakistani television. Earlier in 2026, writer Bee Gul similarly revealed that a scene in the first episode of her show, Aik Aur Pakeezah, in which the male lead appeared shirtless, had been censored by the channel, with even his bare shoulders blurred. Gul questioned this double standard, particularly because the scene formed part of a storyline about sexual coercion and blackmail. Together, the cases raise questions about how Pakistani television regulates bodies and intimacy. Sri Lanka: Criminalising musical expression In addition to film and screen media, music and musicians are increasingly under scrutiny by governments in South Asia. In June, Tamil rapper Sangeethsan Ganeskumar, known as HipHop Sangee, was arrestedunder Sri Lanka’s Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over social media posts featuring a performance in Jaffna that authorities alleged contained material supportive of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). He was released on June 12 after ten days in detention, with the Attorney General directing proceedings under a substantially less severe provision of the Section 120 of the Penal Code. Ganeskumar nevertheless continues to face legal proceedings. His case forms part of wider concerns about restrictions on Tamil cultural expression around identity, memory and the country’s armed conflict. Bangladesh: Pressure on cultural expression In June, a Baul folk music program in Netrokona was suspended following pressure from groups opposed to the event. Rights organisation Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) criticised the intervention as an infringement of cultural freedom and fundamental rights. The incident highlights the long-standing vulnerability of Bangladesh’s Baul musicians to extra-legal pressure, demonstrating that censorship
Gao Zhen: Three Years in Prison for Art Mocking Mao
Chinese artist, Gao Zhen, has been sentenced to three years imprisonment for “slandering China’s heroes and martyrs” through artworks “mocking” former President Mao Zedong. Gao Zhen, aged 70, is one half of the Gao Brothers artistic duo, alongside his brother, Gao Qiang. Internationally acclaimed, they are known for their satirical artworks, including sculptures depicting Mao and his legacy. Both brothers are resident in the USA. Gao Zhen was detained in August 2024 while visiting China with his wife and son. He was tried in a one-day closed hearing in March 2026, 19 months after his arrest, during which time he remained in detention throughout. Taking into account the time he has already served, his sentence will expire in August 2027. He intends to appeal his conviction. The law under which Gao was convicted, protecting the “reputation of China’s heroes and martyrs”. It was enacted in 2018, a decade after the contentious sculptures were created between 2005 and 2009. The retroactive application of the law, alongside the serving of the maximum penalty of three years in prison, is additional cause for alarm. There are concerns about Gao’s poor health and limited access to his family in prison. His wife and young son have been barred from returning to the USA since Gao was arrested although they have not been charged with a crime. The sentence against Gao Zhen sends a stark message to artists in China: that works that challenge the Chinese authorities’ narrative on historical figures could lead to prosecution and imprisonment and have a wider chilling effect on creative freedom. Freemuse joins international condemnation of the sentence against Gao Zhen and calls for his conviction to be overturned and for him to be freed immediately and unconditionally, enabling him and his family to return to the USA. Freemuse also calls on the Chinese authorities to repeal or revise laws protecting the “reputation and honour of heroes and martyrs” that breach international protections for freedom of expression, and to end the use of criminal law to punish peaceful artistic expression. Read more about the Gao Brothers work and campaign for Gao Zhen’s release on the Gao Brothers Facebook site. Sources include: Amnesty International: China: Maximum sentence for artist Gao Zhen is an assault on artistic freedom The Guardian: Artist known for sculptures of Mao Zedong jailed for slandering ‘heroes and martyrs’ Reuters: Chinese dissident artist jailed for 3 years over Mao sculptures, family and rights group say
European Court of Human Rights: “Osman Kavala Must Be Released Immediately”
Cultural philanthropist Osman Kavala has been in prison since 2017. Today the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has ruled, again, that Türkiye has violated his rights and said he must be released as soon as possible. Businessman and activist Kavala founded Anadolu Kültür, a civil society organisation supporting cultural exchange and the arts. He was detained after being accused of links to the 2013 Gezi Park protests and then acquitted of those charges in 2020. New espionage allegations, drawn from the same investigation, kept him behind bars, and in April 2022 a court convicted him under Articles 309 and 312 of the Turkish Penal Code of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order, sentencing him to aggravated life imprisonment. No evidence was presented showing he had committed the crimes attributed to him. This latest judgment follows the Court’s original finding of a violation on 10 December 2019. The Grand Chamber called Kavala’s situation as “entirely exceptional”. He has now been deprived of his liberty, without interruption, for more than eight and a half years, and although he pursued every domestic remedy available to him, none secured his release or corrected the violations the Court had identified. Film producer Çiğdem Mater and documentary filmmaker Mine Özerden, both linked to Anadolu Kültür, were sentenced to 18 years in the same case. They have been jailed since April 2022, accused of aiding an attempt to overthrow the government. None of them has been released. Kavala funded culture. Mater and Özerden made films. Three rulings, eight and a half years later, and Turkey continues to resist the pressure to reverse course. And it is artists and cultural workers who pay. Freemuse continues to call for the immediate and unconditional release of Osman Kavala, Çiğdem Mater and Mine Özerden, and for an end to the prosecution of artists and cultural workers in violation of their rights to peaceful freedom of expression and assembly, as guaranteed under the Turkish Constitution and international human rights treaties to which Türkiye is a party.
Uganda’s Artists Still at Risk Despite Court Victories
Freemuse and Selam have submitted a joint report to the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Uganda ahead of the country’s review in early 2027. The submission raises serious concerns about the state of artistic freedom but also recognises some important legal progress. Between 2023 and 2026, Uganda’s Constitutional Court struck down several repressive provisions. These included laws criminalising “offensive communication”, hate speech and the “misuse of social media”, as well as criminal defamation rules that had long been used against artists and government critics. These rulings are significant, but they do not tell the whole story. Artists and critics still face serious risks for speaking out. Courts continue to impose harsh sentences over satirical content about the President, and a law criminalising acts intended to “alarm, annoy or ridicule” him remains in force. This means public officials continue to receive special protection from criticism even as other restrictive laws are being overturned. Equally concerning is the unrestrained exercise of power by public officials. One of the most alarming incidents documented in the submission took place in June 2026, when the Chief of Defence Forces ordered a military siege of an independent media house. Several cases of politically motivated suppression are also highlighted, from the cancellation of a concert linked to opposition affiliation, to the unresolved disappearance of musician King Zale, who has been missing since April 2026. The submission also describes a wider shrinking of civic space. New legislation introduced in 2024 and 2026 has made it more difficult for civil society organisations, including groups that support artists, to access funding and carry out their work. The Anti-Homosexuality Act passed in 2023, among other laws, has created a climate of uncertainty and self-censorship. It has enabled arbitrary restrictions on content and placed particular pressure on LGBTI+ artists. Freemuse and Selam conclude by urging Uganda to ensure that restrictions on freedom of expression are subject to proper judicial oversight. They also call for the repeal of laws that protect public officials from criticism, credible investigations into disappearances, and equal protection for artists regardless of their political views or affiliations. Read the joint UPR submission by Freemuse and Selam here.
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Latin America: Censored, Not Fully Protected
By Diana Arévalo, Freemuse’s Latin America researcher. In early 2026, Freemuse published its annual report on the State of Artistic Freedom documenting attacks on artistic freedom worldwide throughout 2025. This update examines developments in the Latin America region in the first half of 2026. Between January and June 2026, Freemuse and the Bulla platform of Cartel Urbano documented at least 75 violations of artistic freedom across Latin America. The period confirms two patterns already flagged in Freemuse’s State of Artistic Freedom 2026 report: legal and administrative tools are increasingly used to restrict artistic content, and musicians continue to face lethal violence linked to organised crime. These developments unfold against a broader erosion of civic space in the Americas. The CIVICUS Monitor, a civil society human rights monitoring research tool, rates civic space as closed in Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, and repressed or obstructed in 13 other countries in the region. The Inter-American Commission’s Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (RELE) has established a three-part test for evaluating restrictions on expression under Article 13 of the American Convention. Several cases below rely on vague administrative criteria or undisclosed justifications that appear difficult to reconcile with that standard. Across the 75 cases recorded, music was the art form most affected (25 cases), followed by visual arts (23) and performing arts (11). State authorities were directly responsible in 25 cases, while perpetrators remained unknown in 23, mostly killings and threats against musicians attributed to organised crime. Censorship Through Law and Administrative Order Censorship and cancellation were the most frequent recorded violations, accounting for 27 of the cases, often through administrative and executive decisions, and new legislation. Peru: The Ministry of Culture ordered the removal of a satirical sculpture by graduate artist Salvatore Laguna Zelada from a public exhibition minutes before its March opening, arguing it “went against the election period” ahead of the 7 June presidential runoff. On 13 June, Peru’s Congress published Law No. 32645, creating a Professional Guild of Artists, requiring a formal degree for membership and granting disciplinary powers over its members. Amazonian artistic collectives opposed it, citing data showing 82 per cent of registered artists, trained through ancestral or self-taught paths would be excluded. Brazil: The Museum of the Portuguese Language in São Paulo closed the exhibition Funk: Um Grito de Ousadia e Liberdade on 31 May, three months early, after a state deputy accused it of normalising organised crime. While the museum cited scheduling reasons, the curator described the decision as censorship rooted in racial bias because of the exhibition’s focus on Black artists. Argentina: Direct interventions in public cultural space have continued under President Javier Milei. In March, the Casa Rosada removed a reproduction of Helmut Ditsch’s painting El triunfo de la naturaleza (The Triumph of Nature) on display in the presidential palace’s antechamber since 2012, under disputed circumstances. In June, workers at state broadcaster Radio Nacional, represented by press union FATPREN, denounced directives banning the airing of songs by some artists, including singer Lali Espósito a vocal critic of President Milei since 2023 whom he has repeatedly attacked in public; Radio Nacional’s management denied any formal ban, describing its programming choices as “editorial policy.” Brazil: Legislators and prosecutors continued to target music associated with organised crime narratives, a trend recorded in Brazil since 2025. On 26 April in Fortaleza, funk singer MC Black da Penha was arrested after a performance for lyrics prosecutors said glorified a criminal organisation. Mexico: In May, Mexico City’s Congress voted unanimously (44 to 0) to reform entertainment and child-protection laws, banning content at concerts and public events that glorifies crime, a measure aimed chiefly at narcocorridos. Its sponsor cited estimates that 30,000 to 40,000 minors have been recruited by criminal groups nationally, while another lawmaker described the measure as preventive. The reform defines targeted content only as material that “exalts, justifies or normalises” criminal activity without further specification, and had not been published in the city’s official gazette by the end of June. Protecting children from content that recruits them into organised crime is a legitimate aim, but the RELE’s three-part test requires restrictions to be precisely defined; broad terms like “exalt” or “normalise,” like the “apología” standard used against MC Black da Penha, leave officials wide discretion over which songs or events to sanction. Contested Walls: Murals and Public Space Urban art has long served as a form of resistance in Latin America, turning city streets into spaces of critique and satire. That visibility increasingly makes murals a target. Officials, private figures and political actors have removed or painted works, sometimes invoking administrative grounds. Mexico: In Ciudad Juárez, municipal police detained street artists Miguel “Mick” Martínez and Chuchito Psyon 11 April, hours after they painted a satirical mural of mayor Cruz Pérez Cuéllar with pig-like features on a private home whose residents had authorised it. Officers later painted over the mural. Authorities said the detentions were for public drinking, not the mural’s content, but opposition leaders called it political censorship. Later in April, Pachuca’s city government confirmed it had painted over muralist Eduardo Zamora’s work Mi baile de rosa (My dance in pink) without notice, covering it in the ruling party’s colour as part of a “walls rehabilitation” initiative. After public criticism, officials said they would reinstate the work. Brazil: In Goiânia, businessman Luciano Hang, owner of the Havana retail chain, publicly accused graffiti artist Smith Art Tattoo of vandalism after repainting, with mayor Sandro Mabel, a viaduct wall that had carried the work of internationally recognised artists; Smith said he and his family received threats after Hang’s post. Colombia: Victims’ relatives, human rights defenders and artists painted a mural near former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez’s residence in Rionegro reading “7,837 almas que no te dejarán dormir” (“7,837 souls that won’t let you sleep”), describing civilian murders – referencing civilian killings staged as combat deaths by state forces — known as “false positives” and documented by the country’s transitional justice tribunal, the JEP as extra judicial killings. Uribe personally painted over the mural and accused congressman-elect Hernán Muriel, who had helped organise it, of a “terrorist attitude“. Weeks later Colombia’s Constitutional Court took the opposite stance ordering protection for the Medellin mural Las cuchas tienen razón (The Mothers Are Right)linked to victims of the armed conflict and to women searching for