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Minimal reforms are inadequate: Artistic and artists’ rights continue to be repressed in Tanzania

Ahead of the United Republic of Tanzania’s appearance before the UN Human Rights Council on 5 November 2026, Freemuse and Selam have submitted a joint Universal Periodic Review (UPR) report commenting on the state of artistic freedom in Tanzania. The UPR process of every UN member State is conducted every four and a half years, and Tanzania will be reporting on the country’s human rights record in accordance with the regional and human rights instruments which binds it. In their submission, Freemuse and Selam highlight positive artistic freedom developments that have been realised in Tanzania since the last review in 2021, notably the reduction of artist fees; a commitment from the National Arts Council to focus on arts promotion and not a censorship role; and the establishment of ministerial committees tasked with creating an enabling environment for the enjoyment of artistic freedom. While acknowledging the progressiveness of these developments, Freemuse and Selam raise a number of concerns regarding the continued repression of artists and the censorship of their artistic content. There is the criminalisation of unregistered artists and artistic content disseminated without a permit, a system that enables the prosecution, sanctioning and excessive fining of artists found to be in violation of these registration measures. The National Arts Council, in the execution of its mandate, unduly regulates artists in their private lives on grounds of safeguarding ‘ethics,’ and further has the power to veto international mobility based on a system that requires artists to apply for a permit before travelling abroad for artistic activities. Dissenting and critical artistic expressions deemed to be contrary to national values, norms and morals are especially subjected to arbitrary restrictions in Tanzania, through various laws that regulate decency, cybercrimes, defamation and national security. Of particular concern is that these laws are susceptible to abuse due to their overly broad and vague provisions which disproportionately restrict legitimate expression. Several cases are presented in the report to illustrate the severity of punishments that are imposed for dissenting expressions. These include the enforced disappearance of Shadrack Chaula, a portrait painter who had previously been sentenced to two years imprisonment in lieu of a fine, for a TikTok post in which the burnt the President’s portrait, and TikTok content creator, Jenifer Jovin, who was charged for conspiracy to commit treason for social media posts deemed to incite protests against the government. Restrictions to freedom of expression within the context of democratic elections have also continued to be a point of concern in Tanzania, despite calls by African Union and UN human rights experts for State authorities to refrain from using force when policing protests, and to ensure uninterrupted and unrestricted internet access. In the immediate aftermath of October 2025 general elections, there was an internet shutdown, the arrest of artists and content creators, among others, for expressing concern about human rights violations, and the use of police brutality in the regulation of largely peaceful protests. In the lead up to this intensified crackdown on free expression, there was the arbitrarily detention of Ugandan author Agather Atuhaire and Kenyan photojournalist Boniface Mwagi who had travelled to the country to express solidarity with Tanzanians prosecuted on political grounds. In the UPR submission, Freemuse and Selam make a number of recommendations to the Tanzanian authorities, covering legislation reform, the independence of regulatory bodies and the suspension of censorship mechanisms. As the submission is made, the human rights situation in Tanzania continues to decline, with the continued shrinkage of civic space and increasing self-censorship by artists. Freemuse and Selam will continue to monitor developments.    Read the UPR report here.

Cuba: Free Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara 

Freemuse urges on the Cuban authorities to immediately and unconditionally release performance artist and human rights activist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, given grave concerns over his deteriorating health, personal safety and the legality of his ongoing imprisonment. On 6 April, Otero Alcántara ended an eight-day hunger strike at Guanajay maximum-security prison where he has been held for over five years.  The hunger strike was triggered by mounting threats and systematic violations of his rights in detention. According to Cubalex, an independent Cuban legal organisation, Otero Alcántara has been subjected in recent weeks to death threats by State Security agents and prison officials. These threats were reportedly made during a prison inspection on 27 March, when officials threatened him and other political prisoners with lethal violence. This is the seventh hunger strike Otero Alcántara has undertaken since his arbitrary detention in July 2021, when he was arrested following his participation in nationwide protests against the Cuban government, amid widespread shortages of food and medicine. His health is a matter of serious concern. He previously suffered partial facial paralysis as a result of earlier hunger strikes, raising alarm about the cumulative and potentially irreversible impact on his physical integrity. There are growing fears that authorities may seek to extend his sentence beyond its expected completion in July 2026, further abusing the justice system to silence dissent and suppress freedom of expression. Otero Alcántara’s case reflects a broader and well-documented pattern of repression in Cuba, which the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and its Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression have consistently flagged — including the use of arbitrary detention, threats and judicial harassment to target artists and individuals perceived as critical of the government. Freemuse calls on the Cuban authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Otero Alcántara; ensure he receives urgent independent medical care and guarantee his safety and physical integrity. It also urges the authorities to end all threats, harassment and reprisals against him, and calls on international and regional human rights mechanisms to closely monitor his situation and take urgent protective action. By Diana Arévalo, Freemuse’s Latin America regional researcher.

Músicos cubanos en prisión: un llamado a la visibilidad y la solidaridad

Diana Arévalo* Con al menos 17 artistas cubanos encarcelados, la visibilidad internacional sostenida y la solidaridad resultan esenciales para evitar que el silenciamiento de artistas termine por normalizarse. Hoy es necesario insistir en un hecho simple: hay músicos cubanos que permanecen en prisión. Y con el paso de los meses, aumenta el riesgo de que su encarcelamiento deje de provocar indignación y empiece a asumirse como parte de la normalidad. La profundización de la crisis social y económica en Cuba ha deteriorado las condiciones de vida en toda la isla. La escasez de combustible, las fallas en los servicios de salud y agua, y los prolongados cortes de electricidad afectan el acceso a alimentos, medicamentos y agua potable. La Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos ha advertido que estas condiciones impactan gravemente el disfrute de derechos fundamentales, incluido el derecho a la vida y el acceso a servicios esenciales. En paralelo, Amnistía Internacional ha documentado que miles de personas salieron a las calles en las mayores protestas antigubernamentales registradas en décadas. Desde las manifestaciones nacionales de julio de 2021, miles de ciudadanos protestaron contra el autoritarismo gubernamental, las restricciones a las libertades civiles, las estrictas medidas adoptadas durante la pandemia y la falta de reformas económicas y políticas prometidas. Las autoridades cubanas respondieron con detenciones masivas y procesos penales contra manifestantes, artistas y voces críticas, utilizando figuras amplias como sedición y desorden público. Muchos han recibido condenas desproporcionadas en procedimientos que generan serias dudas sobre el respeto a las garantías del debido proceso. Según el Observatorio Cubano de Derechos Culturales, al cierre de 2025 al menos 17 artistas seguían privados de libertad como consecuencia de su práctica artística o de su participación en la vida cívica Maykel Castillo Pérez, rapero conocido como Maykel Osorbo, fue detenido en mayo de 2021 y condenado el 24 de junio de 2022 a nueve años de prisión por el Tribunal Municipal de Centro Habana. Fue declarado culpable de desacato, difamación de instituciones y organizaciones, de “héroes” y “mártires”, atentado y desorden público. Su proceso judicial se produjo en el contexto de su actividad artística y su posicionamiento público, incluida su participación en la canción Patria y Vida, que se volvió viral y se asoció con las protestas de julio de 2021. El 3 de diciembre de 2025, la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos emitió el Informe No. 251/25 (Caso 14.264), en el que concluyó que el Estado cubano recurrió al derecho penal para sancionar su expresión artística y su participación en protestas. La Comisión determinó violaciones a la libertad de expresión, la libertad personal y las garantías judiciales, y llamó a cesar el hostigamiento en su contra. Castillo Pérez permanece en prisión. Fernando Almenares Rivera, rapero y artista visual conocido como Nando OBDC, fue detenido el 31 de diciembre de 2024 en La Habana tras un allanamiento policial en su vivienda. Durante el registro, los agentes fotografiaron sus obras y confiscaron objetos personales. Inicialmente se informó a su familia que estaba siendo investigado por presuntos vínculos con actividades terroristas, aludiendo a supuestos contactos con personas en el extranjero. En Cuba, con frecuencia se señala a la diáspora, a organizaciones de derechos humanos y a medios internacionales como promotores de “terrorismo”. Semanas después, la acusación fue reformulada como “propaganda contra el orden constitucional”, por acciones que incluían colocar pancartas en espacios públicos exigiendo respeto a los derechos humanos y difundir mensajes críticos de políticas gubernamentale. Durante los primeros días de detención habría permanecido incomunicado y sin acceso a su familia. En enero de 2026, las autoridades confirmaron que fue condenado a cinco años de prisión por propaganda contra el orden constitucional relacionada con la difusión de mensajes en defensa de los derechos humanos. Como coordinador del proyecto independiente Arte Prohibido, había impulsado iniciativas en favor de la libertad artística. Su condena evidencia cómo la protesta simbólica y el activismo cultural pueden terminar siendo objeto de persecución penal. Wilmer Moreno Suárez, cantante y compositor conocido como Mister Will D’Cuba, fue detenido en julio de 2021 tras las protestas en La Güinera, La Habana. Posteriormente fue condenado a 18 años de prisión por “sedición”, una de las penas más severas impuestas a manifestantes vinculados a las protestas del 11 de julio. Su perfil artístico y presuntos contactos en el exterior habrían sido utilizados como elementos incriminatorios en su contra. Moreno ha impugnado su condena y ha denunciado condiciones especialmente duras de detención en la prisión Combinado del Este. A pesar de ello, continúa componiendo música. Muchos de los artistas procesados en casos relacionados con las protestas provienen de barrios populares y comunidades afrodescendientes. Su música recoge experiencias vividas desde los márgenes sociales de Cuba. El perfil social y racial de quienes han sido condenados plantea preocupaciones sobre una aplicación desproporcionada de la ley y sobre la criminalización de voces urbanas críticas. Diversas organizaciones e iniciativas independientes de la sociedad civil continúan documentando estos casos. El Observatorio Cubano de Derechos Culturales registra las vulneraciones en curso, mientras que la Mesa de la Juventud Cubana impulsa la campaña Exprésate, orientada a promover la visibilidad sostenida y la solidaridad. En el Music Freedom Day, el paso del tiempo no puede profundizar el silencio. La visibilidad interrumpe la normalización de la represión y la solidaridad rompe el aislamiento al que suelen ser sometidos quienes crean y disienten. Hoy conviene recordar un hecho simple: hay músicos cubanos en prisión. La urgencia radica en no permitir que esa realidad se vuelva cotidiana. Links de algunos temas de los artistas: *Diana Arévalo es investigadora regional para América Latina de Freemuse e investigadora y productora multimedia de Bulla, el radar de libertad artística de la Fundación Cartel Urbano. https://cartelurbano.com/bulla/musicos-cubanos-en-prision-un-llamado-la-visibilidad-y-la-solidaridad

The Trap Has New Rooms: Art, Freedom and Resistance in Georgia

By Musa Igrek In Tbilisi, exhibitions are closing. The organisations that funded them are shutting down. Artists are leaving. The dismantling of Georgia’s cultural life has come gradually, and it is not finished. Lali Pertenava watches it from the inside. A curator, researcher, founder of the Public Art Platform and board member of the International Association of Art Critics (AICA) Georgia, she spoke to Freemuse about what remains. Her work rests on the idea that art and civic life are inseparable. The word she reaches for, before any other, is “trapped”. She says it the way people say words they have been living with for a long time. The trap, as she describes it, has a specific architecture. Since 2023, Georgian Dream – the ruling party founded by the oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, a French citizen who is widely understood to retain control over the Georgian state – has passed a succession of laws that have made independent civic and cultural life functionally impossible. A report submitted to the United Nations in December 2025 by Freemuse and AICA put Georgia’s artistic freedom crisis on the international record. The laws that produced the crisis are worth naming.  The “foreign agents law” has become the signature instrument of governments seeking to supress civil society while maintaining the appearance of legality. Georgia’s version, the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence arrived in 2024 with the same intent.  Known locally as the ‘Russian law’, it requires any organisation receiving more than twenty percent of its funding from abroad to register as pursuing the interests of a foreign power. A separate Foreign Agents Registration Act followed in 2025, adding criminal penalties of up to five years. There is also the Grants Law, amended repeatedly, which requires government approval before any foreign donor can issue a grant to a Georgian recipient. Non-compliance carries up to five years in prison. Human Rights Watch has called this a mechanism to curtail peaceful protests, independent media, and free speech. Since we spoke with Pertenava, the trap has acquired new rooms. On 4 March 2026, the Grants Law was extended further – receiving unauthorised funding now carries up to six years in prison. New amendments extended criminal liability to anyone receiving foreign support for broadly defined political purposes. A new article in the criminal code went further still: “extremism against the constitutional order”, carrying up to three years for those who decline to recognise Georgian Dream as a legitimate authority. “As members of Georgia’s civil society”, Pertenava says, “we are punished and criminalised without cause”. “Artists are only permitted to participate in pro-government activities or produce lovely, non-critical works.” The consequences for the arts have been particularly acute, because the arts in Georgia had never been insulated against shock. Contemporary Georgian art developed not through state patronage but through a patchwork of international support: foreign agencies, diplomatic missions, local Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), the occasional residency programme. Artists were not eligible for social protection or professional tax advantages. Most relied on local CSOs or international funding, two streams that the new legislation have been, in Pertenava’s phrase, “eliminated”. The majority of independent organisations have shut down or suspended operations. Georgia’s independent cultural ecosystem, Pertenava says, has been largely extinguished. There is an irony that Pertenava notes. In a country where the independent contemporary art world has been effectively legislated out of existence, the most popular, and state supported museum in the country is dedicated to Stalin, who was born in Georgia. The museum has been drawing visitors since 1957, more reliably, it turns out, than anything built since.  But the ironies of the situation are not her primary concern. What weighs on her more are: the people who have left, and the conditions facing those who have stayed. Most LGBTI+ artists, she says, have left the country, driven out by a combination of a new family values law that makes it problematic to publicly acknowledge their existence and a rate of community violence that makes life itself precarious. Actors, poets, and other artists have been prosecuted, or given criminal records, for expressing opinions at protests. The Georgian Orthodox Church, as Pertenava describes, has long been an instrument of cultural pressure – closing exhibitions and its affiliated groups disrupting events. Georgian Dream inherited that hostility and gave it the force of law. Those patterns continue. For artists who remain, the options have been reduced to a stark binary. “In reality”, Pertenava says, “artists are only permitted to participate in pro-government activities or produce lovely, non-critical works”. State-funded theatres require government approval for their productions. Street groups affiliated with Georgian Dream disrupt or destroy individual artistic actions, an informal enforcement mechanism that operates alongside, and reinforces, the formal legal one. The atmosphere, she says, is one of pervasive intimidation. On 29 January, artists and activists in Tbilisi watched Georgia’s Universal Periodic Review before the UN Human Rights Council, witnessing the government’s delegation repeat “obvious lies”. Sketch: Ana Riaboshenko. And yet, what continues, in the middle of all this, is music. Every Saturday, professors from the Tbilisi State Conservatory and professional musicians stage protest marches, playing drums and traditional Georgian instruments as they go. The music, Pertenava says, has become something new in the process. The experimental percussion of protest finding its way into the practice of classically trained musicians, producing what she calls a “potent symbiosis” between performance and the sounds of the street. One of the participating musicians told her that the experience had liberated her from the constraints of academic music, that her sense of what performance could be had expanded. Necessity, as it tends to do, has proven generative. Anonymous acts of defiance appear and then vanish. Enormous banners bearing lines of poetry, “The people’s river will never end, flowing from the heart of homeland”, are hung in public places by cultural workers and artists, then quietly taken down. Civil society workers and artists have drawn together, Pertenava observes, in ways they had not before, speaking what she describes as the same language, finding that their concerns and their methods have converged.